By Peter A. Chew
This dissertation offers a coherent, synchronic, broad-coverage, generative phonology of Russian. I try out the grammar empirically in a few how you can make sure its goodness of healthy to Russian. In taking this procedure, I goal to prevent making untested (or even incoherent) generalizations in response to just a handful of examples. commonly, the assessments express that there are exceptions to the idea, yet no less than we all know what the exceptions are, a baseline is decided opposed to which destiny theories may be measured, and commonly the share of remarkable circumstances is lowered to lower than 5%. The primary theoretical results of the paintings are as follows. First, I express that each one of the phonological or morphophonological strategies reviewed could be defined by means of a grammar not more robust than context-free. Secondly, i use probabilistic constraints within the syllable constitution grammar to provide an explanation for why constraints on word-marginal onsets and codas are weaker than on word-internal onsets and codas. I argue that the positive factors [+/- preliminary] and [+/- final], and extraprosodicity, are pointless for this objective.
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Extra resources for A Computational Phonology of Russian
CcCc+1…CaV " " where Cc+1…CaV is a permissible initial cluster but CcCc+1…CaV is not. b. Ca x……x . VC1…CjCj+1…Ca " where C1…Cj is a permissible final cluster but C1…CjCj+1 is not; x standing below a segment indicates that the segment is not associated with any syllable. Together, Rules I and II are sufficient to ensure that all segments in a well-formed string, vowels and consonants, are associated with one syllable or another; and as Kahn points out, the formal correlate of the fact that ill-formed strings will be rejected is that not all segments will be associated.
Ca x……x . VC1…CjCj+1…Ca " where C1…Cj is a permissible final cluster but C1…CjCj+1 is not; x standing below a segment indicates that the segment is not associated with any syllable. Together, Rules I and II are sufficient to ensure that all segments in a well-formed string, vowels and consonants, are associated with one syllable or another; and as Kahn points out, the formal correlate of the fact that ill-formed strings will be rejected is that not all segments will be associated. +D#&! AF#&34!
These issues continue to be debated: it is not my intention here to provide detailed arguments or computational analysis substantiating one or another position, but it is necessary all the same to consider the ramifications a decision one way or the other will have. The aim of this section is to review the relevant literature and clarify where the current phonology stands in relation to the rest of the field. 10 In the following discussion, I make the assumption that there is no ambisyllabicity in Russian.
A Computational Phonology of Russian by Peter A. Chew