By Jung-yao Lu
The comparative research of ancient linguistics makes a speciality of reconstructing old styles in response to diachronic files and typological info from a number of languages or dialects in a language staff. the final word goal of the comparative reconstruction which calls for major cross-linguistic remark and theoretical reasoning is to illustrate the historic strategy of language alterations. This booklet considers the diachronic improvement of either the chinese and the Naxi language, focusing really upon six contentious linguistic concerns which are linked to a variety of linguistic alterations in so much components of the grammar of those languages, together with phonological alterations, semantic adjustments, syntactic alterations, and contact-induced alterations. those linguistic concerns are: tonal splits in proto-checked syllables and subgrouping of Loloish; the semantic improvement of go back in chinese language; the semantic improvement of absorb chinese language; the advance of agentive passive markers in convinced dialects of chinese language; definiteness and nominalization, relativization, and genitivization in chinese language; and the advance of nominalization, relativization, and genitivization in Naxi. This quantity presents new equipment and views during which those concerns may be analyzed and resolved at the foundation of typological and diachronic proof. It makes use of cross-linguistic info from chinese language and the Tibeto-Burman languages with a view to reconstruct a variety of diachronic advancements in chinese language and Naxi.
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Extra info for An Investigation of Various Linguistic Changes in Chinese and Naxi
The limited examples of shared systematic regularity of correspondence, such as pre-nasalized initial stops /mb-/, /nd-/, or /Ŭ-/, may be due to language contact (Bradley 1975:99), and (ii) there is no clear conditioning factor for its tonal splits in *stop-final syllables. It seems clear that the regular rule of Matisoff’s Loloish tonal splits is not reflected in Nahsi. The distribution of the high-level tone  is less predicable or even unpredictable, whether the syllable is stop-final or not (Bradley 1975:100).
39 These dialects of Yi, like Naxi, are subcategorized in the tonal-split group of flip-flop. This could be a shared diachronic tendency in Tibeto-Burman. The same thing happens in Tibetan languages; most of them are losing or have lost prenasalized stops. This is not surprising. 40 Furthermore, there is no evidence to prove that pre-nasalized stops in Naxi were borrowed because the Mosuo language spoken in the area between Naxi, Eastern Yi, and Northern Yi does not have pre-nasalized stops. Ge and Jiang (1990:73) point out that the percentage of words that are cognates between Mosuo and the Northern Yi dialect of Xide is about forty percent when excluding loanwords; therefore, the genetic relationship between Mosuo, Naxi and Northern Yi could not be too distant.
Note that this result is based on Matisoff’s reconstruction of *LB. However, when using Bradley’s (1978) reconstruction of *L, the tonal split in Nanhua seems to be conditioned by the three-way contrast between voiceless, voiced C-prefixed, and voiced non-C-prefixed initials. 31 Note that *C-prefix is a cover-symbol used by Matisoff (1972:14) which indicates voiced *b, *d, *g, *r, and *l prefixes in *TB. It is amazing that Bradley’s reconstruction can show the distinction between *voiced C-prefixed initial and *voiced non-C-prefixed initial, which reflects the two-way tonal split of the *voiced group in the Yi dialect of Nanhua.
An Investigation of Various Linguistic Changes in Chinese and Naxi by Jung-yao Lu